Category: Topical

One new channel was added to the scale of our social media channels today. Follow Communist Youth of Finland on Bluesky! Most of our content will be in Finnish but we publish sometimes also in Swedish and English.

Writer Rachel Tome Valencia Hamilton

Shorter version of this text has been translated and published in Finnish on Tiedonantaja newspaper’s edition 10/2023

Coming out as transgender was a true crash course in the different ways that people react to surprising news. Some were left completely speechless, some reacted with anger or rejection, and others were confused and told me my announcement had come out of nowhere. Some responded with excitement and positivity, others with lengthy accounts of various positive relations they’d had with queer people, and others still with a simple hug.

One of the most common responses to my coming out, however, was one that I’d never anticipated. It involved a relatively consistent line of questioning along the lines of “why do you need to call yourself a woman? Why not just be yourself? Why not just be a person”.” Such a response tended to initiate a lengthy discussion during which I sought to reassure the questioner that I wasn’t caught up on some stereotypical understanding of what ‘men’ and ‘women’ can be and that I wasn’t going to restrict myself to a narrow identity box, whilst at the same time attempting justify why I still desired to use the term ‘woman’.

I always found such conversations unpleasant, dissatisfying, and invasive. The questioners always appeared caring and concerned for my wellbeing, but I was upset by the assumptions they seemed to be making about me: that I was some sort of gender essentialist with a static or reactionary view of what different sorts of people can be. At that time, I was hallway through a PhD applying post-structural, queer and feminist theory to environmental politics, and I couldn’t help but be offended. I wanted to say “do you honestly think I haven’t considered these sorts of matters before? Thinking about them is literally my job!” Even so, such conversations always managed to unsettle me in a way that even the very negative reactions to my transness never did. My sense of self was very fragile at the time, and I remember spending long hours contemplating whether my questioners were right, if only because of how frequently such conversations kept coming up. Why did I need to be a woman? Why couldn’t I just be myself?

In retrospect, however, I don’t think that my initial understanding of what was happening during such dialogues was accurate. For one thing, I no longer believe that a wide variety of friends, colleagues and acquaintances were moved to question transness due to deep-felt concerns that my understanding of the world was insufficiently post-structural. If that had been the case, then surely my well-rehearsed speeches emphasizing the sophistication of my analytical frameworks would have been sufficient to reassure them, and – to my frustration – they never were.

Instead, I now believe that the true aim of this reaction was far simpler – to deny what I was saying and to try and make it go away. I was asking for them to accept me as a woman and, furthermore, to come to terms with the future changes to my body and life that my transition would entail. They didn’t want to do that, and some part of them must have hoped that, by challenging me, they might not have to. The question “Why can’t you just be yourself” really meant “why can’t you just not change”, and by extension, “why can’t the way I relate to you stay the same?”

My current understanding of the meaning of such conversations has developed as a result of going through and witnessing a number of additional ‘coming out’ moments in subsequent years, each of which was met with essentially the same sorts of reactions. For example, both times that I opened up to friends and family after receiving a neurodivergent diagnosis, I was subjected to repeated, detailed interrogations regarding whether I was going to use my new label to limit or caricature myself. When my spouse came out as non-binary, they received

very similar reactions, which is particularly ‘funny’ given that ‘non-binary’ is surely the textbook example of an anti-essentialist label. Apparently not, because the same question was posed. “Why do you need to take on this ‘non-binary’ label? Why can’t you just be you?”

When did everyone become so afraid of labels? Or, to put my concern more bluntly, how have anti-label and anti-essentialist arguments become such a go-to option for those actually seeking to preserve the status quo?

Anti-essentialism, as an intellectual and political idea, has been a major current in the leftist cultural and political sphere for over a century, and particularly since the counter-cultural movements of the 1960s. In broad strokes, it covers perspectives that challenge fixed or binary categories through which we understand the world, social systems and human nature by highlighting the contingent and political histories and power dynamics involved in producing the realities we often take for granted. Such perspectives, having long been championed in various forms by the many of the rockstars of the leftist intellectual tradition including Sartre, Foucault, Deleuze, Butler and Derrida, have become received wisdom within many progressive circles. Indeed, amongst many, essentialism has emerged as the greatest political enemy of all – even surpassing Capitalism – and the work of escaping all fixed identities has emerged as both the pivotal personal/political project and as the surest pathway to a better future.

I do not intend here to integrate the wisdom or validity of such approaches to the theory and practice of social change. Instead, I want to explore how, in the context of an anti-essentialist, label-skeptical cultural milieu, arguments derived from can be used effectively, and with a great deal of apparent legitimacy, for very essentialist, and very reactionary ends – in other words, how they are capable of working in the opposite way to how they were originally intended.

In my experience, being denied the possibility of putting one’s identity into words often feels nothing like freedom – it can feel like having one’s identity and one’s needs banished into an unspeakable void. In a word, namelessness can feel like a prison. Conversely, the moment that a name is given to something is often the precise moment that it becomes ‘real’, ‘tangible’, and actionable. For years I hadn’t given a name to my feelings of gender dysphoria. I didn’t feel them any less, but I couldn’t fully understand or grasp them. I felt deeply, inescapably lost. The moment I finally accepted that I was trans – the moment I said it out loud – was the moment that my life changed – that I was once again able to start living. As a further example, it is impossible to doubt the profound social impacts resulting from the efforts of Marxist theorists to assign existent social dynamics a clear and precise vocabulary. The terms ‘bourgeoisie’ and ‘proletariat’ may not have created these social identities, but it gave those struggling under capitalism a vocabulary to understand their plight. Labels, in this context, have served as a tool in pursuit of social freedom.

Furthermore, irrespective of whether we are personally comfortable with labels, they are applied to us anyway, by social systems which normatively ‘read’ us, assigning us our identities and, to a substantial degree, our fates, without any regard to our active consent. From birth, we are never looked upon as blank slates. When I tell someone “I am queer”, or “I have diagnosed neurodivergence”, I am upending others’ ability to implicitly maintain me within the sphere of their idea of ‘normal’. I am making a clear demand to be seen and engaged on certain terms, and if this ignites resistance, it is often precisely because there is a desire on the part of many to block that from happening. In such contexts, phrases like “why can’t you just be yourself” doesn’t mean “be something truly beyond words, emancipated and free – it means why can’t you just accept the vocabularies that have already applied to you?

In other words, in spite of whatever they might say, I believe many of those who react with knee-jerk anti-label arguments to the efforts of individuals to put their identities into words do so precisely because they acknowledge the power associated with doing so. On a slightly petty note, it has been particularly maddening to receive lectures about essentialism from individuals that had clearly never needed to question the meaning of being “just themselves” because all the labels they had been assigned fit them well enough to require no deeper examination. It must be an enjoyable experience for such individuals – the thrill of getting to poke at the identity of a newly out trans person, sweetened by getting to simultaneously pose as a radical member of the gender avant-garde.

None of this is to say that labels always serve a positive function. Often, we truly are given more room to maneuver through efforts to escape the grip of certain restrictive terminology. I would know – discovering I was not doomed to be eternally defined by the label ‘man’ was one of the most positive realizations of my life. In fact, my perspective on labels is ambivalent. They aren’t good or bad – they are just a fact of life. Language, as a primary tool through which we contemplate and express ourselves and the social realities we live in, brings with it certain structural limits, insufficiencies and constraints. In my opinion, we will find greater value in continuing to develop our ability to work with this medium, with all its limitations, rather than trying to find ways to escape it.

Using language means applying terms to things – that’s just how it works – and we can continue to do this with the aim of forwarding the causes we value whilst remaining critical of the drawbacks and risks that such performative acts bring with them. There will always be risks that the words we use will be coopted so that we can no longer find ourselves within them and must look for new ones. Indeed, in a world defined by entrenched structural antagonisms and class struggles, we could hardly expect otherwise – language is just another register in which such conflicts play themselves out.

As a final point, I do hope that progressive debates about the validity and role of labels can move on from an enduring obsession with personal identity. What about politics? Part of why I felt so disconcerted by the reactions when I came out about my neurodivergence was because there was a huge rift between how I was thinking about my diagnosis and how others seemed to believe I was thinking about it. For me it was simple. My workplace told me that without a diagnosis, I couldn’t receive certain support I needed to stay in my job. Because of this experience, I pursued a diagnosis, and as a result, I hope that I will have an easier time receiving the support I need in the future. Having received my diagnosis, I found added benefit in being connected through a common label to other individuals facing similar struggles within our current neoliberal economic structure. I have found a new community, new sources of solidarity, and a collective political project in which to participate – one built through years of effort of other neurodivergent individuals.

It is undeniable that many such labels were first developed and applied to neurodivergent individuals to control and ‘other’ them, but through the monumental efforts of these labels’ ‘subjects’, they have become rallying points for collective struggle – struggle intimately linked with the fullness of global struggle to enduring economic and political injustice. I’m tired of talking about what my labels make me think about myself. I want to talk about how we can change the world. I want to talk about how the very real, daily efforts of our present social and political system to undermine and destroy my life based on various aspects of my embodied existence can be named, resisted and overcome.

The latest goal by Petteri Orpo’s and Riikka Purra’s far-right government of investigating the possibility to ban communist symbols in Finland is undemocratic and groundless. It’s unjustified to equate communism with nazism. Communist Youth of Finland will not approve of it.

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nThe government published a statement to tackle rasism and promote equality in Finland after big debate and scandals around several ministers’ and politicians’ rasict texts and comments. Publishing the statement was government’s ‘quick fix’ to calm the discussion. Orpo’s and Purra’s government does not have credibility to antiracist politics since it has been very difficult for government parties’ politicians to apologise their hateful comments and follow their own guidelines.

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nIn that statement, it is said that government investigates the possibilities for criminalizing the use of symbols of Nazism and Communism in political context.

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nNazism as an ideology declares the superiority of one part of the population over others, and justified the killing of millions of those considered inferior. Communism as an idea proclaims the equality of people. The obstacle to equality is the capitalist economic system, and the goal of the communists is to abolish it. Killings and crimes against human rights by leaders of socialist countries were against communist principals and have been denounced by Finnish communists. The communist organizations in Finland are registered, legal organizations.

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nCommunist Youth of Finland demands a correction to point 18 of the statement regarding the symbols of communism.

Today, 10th May, 50 years have passed since the founding of the Western Sahara’s Liberation Front Polisario. Communist Youth of Finland congratulates Polisario and shows its support to the Sahrawi people of Western Sahara in their struggle for independence, peace and justice, which is supported by international solidarity.

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Polisario was founded in 1973 – at a time when Western Sahara was still a Spanish colony. After the end of Spanish rule in the region, Morocco considered it as its own and began to illegally occupy Western Sahara. The Polisario declared the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic established and independent on 27th February 1976. So far, 46 UN member states have recognized the independence. Finland is not in this group. In 2012, the Swedish parliament voted in favor of recognizing independence, but the recognition has still not been officially done.

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In its decision in 1976, the International Court of Justice in The Hague testified that Morocco’s occupation of Western Sahara is not based on historical ties between the region and the Kingdom of Morocco.

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We demand Finland to recognize the independence of Western Sahara and stronger efforts from the UN to overcome the colonialist and groundless opposition of Morocco and to implement the independence referendum of Western Sahara.

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The UN has agreed to hold an independence referendum in Western Sahara as early as 1992, but Morocco is putting the brakes on the plans. We demand Finland to recognize the independence of Western Sahara and stronger efforts from the UN to overcome the colonialist and groundless opposition of Morocco and to implement the independence referendum of Western Sahara.

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With the joint efforts of various organizations and civil society, it is possible to bring the situation in Western Sahara into the political mainstream and the human rights debate. It is also interesting to talk about Polisario’s views and to keep clear the demands for the recognition of Western Sahara by Finland and, for example, influence to re-sign the EU trade agreements that discriminate against Sahrawis.

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On the basis of the trade agreements between the EU and Morocco, ships from the EU countries have been able to fish in the territorial waters of the Western Sahara, and for example Pirkka tomatoes are sold in Finland, whose country of origin is marked as Morocco, even though the tomatoes are produced in the Western Sahara. According to international law, the natural resources of the occupied territory can only be used after the approval of the local population. The Sahrawis’ position has not been asked, so the trade agreements between the EU and Morocco grossly violate international law. Most recently, in 2021, the EU court found three agricultural and fisheries agreements between the Union and Morocco to be illegal, as the territorial waters of the Western Sahara cannot be considered to belong to Morocco.

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Long live Western Sahara sovereignty and Polisario! The Sahrawi people will win!

Communist Youth of Finland elected at its regular Annual Meeting in Turku on March 18 management for the organization and dealt with other annual meeting issues. Bex Tapanainen from Tampere will continue as Chairperson.

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Elia Karlsson was elected as the new Vice Chairperson. Jiri Mäntysalo continues as General Secretary and Erno Haverinen as Financial Manager. Emilia Heikkinen, Tiina Heino, Niila Isojärvi, Arvo Lehtomäki and Ada Robbins were also elected to the Board.

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In the action plan approved by the Annual Meeting, Communist Youth of Finland is aligned as a deviation from the mainstream dominated by capitalist hegemony, as Finland’s reddest, sharpest and most far-sighted youth organization. Our goal is the workers’ revolution and the transition to socialism and joint ownership of the means of production, which will help us move step by step towards a communist society that will make both states and armies unnecessary. We direct our activities to the target group of people under 35 years of age.

Right-wing talk of cutback lists are based on the false claims that Finland is out of money. In reality money is abundant and a lot depends on value choices and the direction of politics. Big companies are making huge profits while the cost of living for workers continue to rise. The rich and their hired hands cannot be allowed to continue as freeloaders. The Communist Youth works towards social change, in which power and wealth are transferred from the elite to the hands of the great majority of the working class.

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The tax system needs a renovation in which capital and the rich will be taxed more fairly. It is not only a question of putting in place the proper funding needed for welfare and services, but also of justness. The erosion of public services has continued from the 1990s to this day. Governments – regardless of composition – have seen services provided and funded by the state as cutbacks and items of expenditure. This short-sighted policy has now led to a crisis in public services. They can no longer withstand constant cuts, workers have been pushed to the limit, and services are not available for everyone who needs them.

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We have reached a tipping point, in which a choice needs to be made: whether to put things in order, or to continue to distribute tax breaks to the richest and cut services. Overcoming the crises of the welfare state requires a reform of the financial basis, to take money where there is plenty.

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The state must take over strategically important sectors, such as the production of energy and medicine, so that nationalised companies become productive while at the same time improving the resilience of society.

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Necessary changes in the taxation system, for example, the tax base must be harmonised so that capital and wage income are taxed progressively on the same basis, capital income must be subject to municipal taxation, property and capital taxation must be be raised to match the EU average. Reductions in employers’ national pension contributions must be cancelled and the wealth tax, transfer tax on stock exchange transactions and corporation tax must be refunded to 26%. In addition, the huge profits of energy companies must be cut immediately by imposing a tax that cuts unearned profits, which must also apply to TVO and its shareholders. Tax avoidance and harmful tax planning must beprevented, for example by improving tax avoidance investigations and by blocking

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loopholes in tax legislation.

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The state must take over strategically important sectors, such as the production of energy and medicine, so that nationalised companies become productive while at the same time improving the resilience of society. Through these companies, it is also possible to influence employment, provide more affordable housing and return power from companies to people.

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The Communist Youth encourages people to vote for the candidates of the Communist Party of Finland in the parliamentary elections in favour of the workers, radical social change and revolution.

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Communist Youth of Finland’s Annual Meeting 18.3.2023